The Hindu Gist - 24th October, 2026
1 . In the Crossfire: India Must Adopt a Pro-active Position in the Saudi-Houthi Conflict
The killing of an Indian national in a Houthi attack on Saudi Arabia’s Dammam airport highlights the dangers posed by the escalating conflict. Since fighting resumed in July 2026, at least two Indians have been killed and 14 wounded. In a separate incident, the Houthis claimed to have targeted a vessel carrying 14 Indians near Yemen’s Zuqar Island in the Red Sea, highlighting the risks to Indian nationals and maritime activity
The conflict threatens regional stability and makes India’s diplomatic choices increasingly difficult.
Conflict Dynamics
- Origins: The conflict dates to the Houthi takeover of Sana’a, Yemen’s capital, in 2014. Saudi Arabia launched a military campaign in 2015 to restore the Hadi government.
- Failed intervention: Saudi Arabia’s bombing campaign and support for northern Yemeni tribes and the internationally recognised government failed to secure a durable victory.
- Houthi control: The Houthis control much of northern Yemen and significant stretches of its Red Sea coast, giving them the capacity to threaten maritime traffic and Saudi infrastructure.
- Continuing escalation: Houthi missile and drone attacks have exposed Saudi Arabia’s vulnerability despite its military capabilities. The prolonged conflict has also placed the Saudi Crown Prince, its principal architect, under pressure.
India’s Position
- Protecting Indian nationals: The killing and injury of Indians underline the direct human consequences of the conflict.
- Proactive diplomacy: India should prepare a contingency plan for worst-case scenarios and adopt a more proactive position rather than remain passive.
- Regional engagement: India should articulate a stronger position on stability and work with Arab countries and Iran to push for a diplomatic settlement.
- De-escalation: With the possibility of further violence involving Iran and the United States, diplomatic efforts are essential to prevent a wider regional crisis.
2. Falling Short: Marco Rubio’s Second Visit to India Yields Little in Terms of Results
U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s second visit to India in five months came amid the U.S. midterm elections and uncertainty over President Donald Trump’s second-term agenda. Despite expectations of progress, the visit yielded few concrete outcomes. Bilateral relations remain strained by trade tensions, tariffs and disagreements over India’s Russian oil imports.
Discussions covered the proposed India–U.S. trade deal, Russian-oil sanctions, India’s purchases of Russian military equipment, including the S-400 system, and unresolved tariff and immigration issues. New Delhi also hoped for progress towards a Trump–Modi meeting at the upcoming ASEAN and G20 summits and a date for Trump’s visit to India. The Gulf situation, energy security and connectivity were also discussed. Speculation about possible discounts on Russian oil, U.S.-licensed Venezuelan oil and the Jamnagar Reliance refinery did not translate into any clear outcome. Rubio also discussed regional cooperation, including ASEAN and G20 preparations, with External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar and Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
The two sides announced no major agreements or new initiatives. During preparations for the 250th anniversary of U.S. independence, Rubio acknowledged the difficulties India–U.S. relations had faced in recent years, while describing cooperation on core issues of national interest as “extraordinary.” The visit thus highlighted the gap between the expectations surrounding bilateral engagement and the limited progress achieved on contentious issues.
The Indian Express Gist - 24th October, 2026
1 . The Signs and Science of the Shamonda Virus
France reported the first documented human infection with Shamonda virus in October 2026. The patient, who was severely immunocompromised, was treated at Hospices Civils de Lyon for a serious illness and died in early October. Neurological complications were observed, and laboratory investigations confirmed the presence of the virus in multiple biological samples. French authorities are investigating how the infection was acquired and the extent to which the virus contributed to the patient’s illness and death. As of 23 October 2026, no human-to-human transmission or health risk to the general population had been identified.
Virus Characteristics and Transmission
- Classification: Shamonda virus belongs to the family Peribunyaviridae, genus Orthobunyavirus, within the Simbu serogroup.
- Transmission: The virus is understood to spread through bites from Culicoides midges and primarily affects cattle, sheep, goats, horses and other animals.
- Animal symptoms: Infection may cause fever, diarrhoea, reduced milk production, abortions and congenital malformations. Neurological disorders have also been reported in horses with Shamonda virus infection.
- Seasonal pattern: The virus’s long-term epidemiological impact in Europe remains uncertain. In Europe, biting midges are generally most active from spring to autumn, although activity varies with species, location and weather.
- Related viruses: Shamonda virus belongs to the Simbu serogroup, which also includes Schmallenberg virus. The European Shamonda variants have been designated Shamonda virus Europe 1 (SHAV-EU1) and Shamonda virus Europe 2 (SHAV-EU2). Schmallenberg virus is a distinct, related virus.
Diagnosis and Prevention
- Diagnosis: The patient’s blood and cerebrospinal fluid were tested, with genetic traces detected in one sample. Further sequencing of samples after death confirmed the virus.
- Vaccination: No commercially available vaccine currently exists against Shamonda virus, although vaccines are being developed against related Simbu-group viruses.
- Vector control: Preventive measures include midge surveillance, insecticide spraying, reducing or eliminating vector-breeding sites, using double-door entry systems and transporting animals during periods of low vector activity.
2. The Debates Around Legislative Councils, Their Functions Today
Elections to 28 seats across the Legislative Councils of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Maharashtra and Karnataka were held, with results expected the following week. Unlike elections to State Legislative Assemblies, not every adult citizen can vote in Legislative Council elections, as different categories of seats are filled through specific electoral colleges and nominations.
Legislative Councils: Historical Background and Debate
- Bicameral legislatures: India has six States with Legislative Councils—Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Maharashtra, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana. These States have both a Legislative Assembly and a Legislative Council.
- Colonial origins: The Montagu–Chelmsford Reforms led to the Government of India Act, 1919, which provided for legislative councils at the provincial level. The Government of India Act, 1935 further developed the framework for provincial legislatures.
- Constituent Assembly debate: Members disagreed over the need for an upper chamber. Congress leader Rajendra Prasad questioned whether a second chamber was necessary, arguing that the new Constitution should allow Assemblies to function effectively and that concentrating power in an upper chamber could be problematic.
- Continuing debate: The key question is whether Legislative Councils provide meaningful legislative scrutiny and representation or whether they add another layer to the legislative process without sufficient justification.
Political Significance and Representation
- Political barometer: Legislative Council elections can indicate the political standing of parties and influential groups, particularly among professionals and other electorates that do not vote in ordinary Assembly elections.
- Representation beyond direct elections: Councils provide representation to local authorities, graduates, teachers and nominated individuals with specialised knowledge or practical experience.
- Party influence: Although these elections are not conducted on party symbols, political parties continue to support candidates, making the contests relevant to wider political calculations.
How Are MLCs Elected?
- Article 169: Parliament may create or abolish a State Legislative Council by law after the State Legislative Assembly passes a resolution by a majority of its total membership and by at least two-thirds of members present and voting.
- Article 171: A Legislative Council’s total membership cannot exceed one-third of the strength of the State Legislative Assembly and cannot be fewer than 40 members.
- Electoral method: Members are elected through proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote.
- Composition: As nearly as practicable:
- One-third are elected by local authorities.
- One-twelfth are elected by graduates.
- One-twelfth are elected by teachers.
- One-third are elected by members of the State Legislative Assembly.
- The remainder are nominated by the Governor from among persons with special knowledge or practical experience in literature, science, art, the cooperative movement and social service.
3 . Understanding the Economics of Social Unrest: Causes and Consequences
Social unrest across France, Albania, Belgium, Italy and Portugal reflects widespread discontent over the cost-of-living crisis. Although protests often have political triggers, their underlying causes can be economic. However, rising inequality alone cannot explain the timing and spread of social unrest, while economic conditions play a more significant role in determining its consequences.
Income Inequality and the Predictors of Unrest
- Measuring inequality: The Top 10%/Bottom 50% income ratio compares the average income of the richest 10% with that of the poorest 50% of the population; a higher ratio indicates a wider income gap between these groups.
- Country trends (2014–2024): France’s Income Gap increased from 15.2 to 16.6, while Italy’s rose from 13.7 to 14.8. It declined in Spain (16.4 to 14.7), the UK (18.1 to 16.6) and Germany (20.5 to 19.5). India’s ratio rose slightly from 38 to 38.2, while South Africa’s increased from 103.3 to 118.4.
- Inequality is not sufficient: IMF economists Philip Barrett and Sophia Chen observed in 2021 that inequality had not worsened sufficiently over the preceding decade to explain the recent surge in discontent.
- Past unrest as a predictor: IMF economists Sandile Hlatshwayo and Chris Redl used machine-learning techniques to examine more than 340 economic and social indicators. Their findings identify past unrest, both domestically and in neighbouring countries, as a particularly strong predictor of future unrest, with substantially greater predictive information than individual economic or social indicators.
- Coordination signals: Previous protests in culturally similar neighbouring countries can encourage mobilisation by signalling that others are also willing to protest. Internet access and social-media penetration can further facilitate communication and coordination.
Economic Consequences of Social Unrest
- Persistent GDP losses: Research by IMF economists and colleagues finds that major unrest is followed, on average, by GDP remaining approximately one percentage point below its pre-shock baseline six quarters after the event; this refers to the GDP level, not a one-percentage-point reduction in the GDP growth rate.
- Nature of grievances matters: Unrest motivated by socioeconomic factors is associated with sharper GDP contractions than unrest driven by political motives.
- Combined economic and political causes: Events arising from a combination of socioeconomic and political grievances are associated with the sharpest GDP contractions.
- Distinguishing causes from consequences: Food and fuel prices can contribute to public discontent, but they are not necessarily the strongest predictors of unrest. Economic factors become more important when assessing the economic damage that follows protests.
